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The Shame That I Carry With Me

I was six or seven years old, walking with my father and mother along the winding alley of the “Imamzadeh Yahya” neighborhood (2) to my Grandfather’s house. A narrow street with a small stream in the center, which passes by “Pesteh-Bak” outdoor market place with a ceiling and the smell of fresh baked sheermal bread (3) was so inviting.
Just before the alley to get to my grandfather’s house was an old public bath with ten to twenty steps down to a basement, where scenes from the movie “Qeysar” were shot at that location, directed by Masoud Kimiai (4). Also there was a small mosque, which was modest relative in those years. An old mullah was performing his daily obligatory prayers there. He was a popular man in the realm of my childhood, with his tall white beard and black turban full of dignity, though he seemed unreachable.
People were saying that this mullah had forced some Baha’i families to recant their faith and become Muslim in the heat of the Islamic revolution in 1979.
My first encounter with this word (Baha’i) was at the same age. When I got older, I once went to a sandwich shop, I saw written on the windows: “This deli is owned by religious minorities”. I asked my father, “What is a religious minority?” He said: “Christians’, Jews and Baha’is live amongst the Shi’ite majority. I asked my father about the Baha’is. He explained that unlike the Shi’ites, they believe that Imam Mahdi has emerged, and then he told me the story about his contact with Baha’is.
Before the revolution, my father had  a Baha’i friend, who was born into a Shi’ite family. However, he was curious about the Baha’i faith and asked his friend about his faith and their religious traditions. My father told me that it was very strange having a Baha’i friend in his family, especially as he had been unaware of what Baha’is were before. Even before the revolution, a lot of negative propaganda had been promulgated against Baha’is. Among these illiterate and ignorant people, a common belief was that Baha’is do not forbid marriage between brother and sister.
My father heard from his friend about some of the traditions and beliefs of the Baha’i religion, but most of all he was attracted to the idea that Baha’is don’t tell lies.
Although my father was showing me his perception through the eyes of a Shi’ite Muslim, I understood it was coming from a caring, humanitarian viewpoint that no Bahai’s would tell a lie.
That’s why I always ignored the anti-Baha’i propaganda.
Years passed by, and I never had to deal with any Baha’i, until in 2009 circumstances threw me into a corner where I met some of them. I first became acquainted with a Baha’i, Peyman Kashfi (5), in section 350 of Evin prison; he was a few years older than me. Engineering graduate (if I am not mistaken) from the Baha’i Institute of Higher Education (BIHE – 6). Because he was a Baha’i, he was denied entry to any regular University. He was arrested for holding a religious ceremony and imprisoned with a heavy sentence. Once Peyman was brought in, I heard from the inmates that he was a Baha’i. His presence didn’t phase me, but only because I had never encountered any Baha’i until that day.
In a society where citizens are subjected to an endless onslaught of unanswered allegations against Baha’is, which are unilateral, when you are forced to live in a small space next to the “others” you become interested enough to survey them.
At first Peyman greeted everyone. He participated beyond what was expected in the work around the prison. He performed tasks such as washing the dishes and cleaning up the food, clothes after everyone has eaten, etc, even when it was not his turn. This would sometimes cause me to become angry and I would say to him:
Peyman jan: you are the character who will be martyred at the end of a film.
I was fascinated by Peyman’s character. What attracted me to him was his calm demeanor and dignity in all aspects of his personality and behavior. He spoke so softly and slowly, and exhibited such empathy in conversation about your loved ones that you would find yourself wanting to talk to him for hours. That is how in my first few days we became good friends, and we spent many hours together.
We would discuss literature, poetry and music. We would also sometimes talk about our way of life and culture. I asked Peyman to talk to me about the Baha’i faith, but it seemed he didn’t want to tell me. When I insisted, he said: “Before they put us into section 350 the authorities told us Bahai’s not to mingle with the other inmates. Otherwise, we will receive extra sentences for teaching the Baha’i religion in a prison cell.”
It was like a prison inside a prison, but we had no other choice. For 24 hours a day, seven days a week, 30 days a month and 12 months a year we lived in a 20-meter jail cell, not even able to talk to each other. So while Peyman and I were in section 350 of Evin prison together, he did not say much about the Baha’i faith. There were about five or six subjects that I asked him to explain to me. The first thing he explained was the engagement and marriage customs in the Baha’i faith. We talked about women’s rights, divorce, abortion, gay marriage, drinking alcohol, Baha’i worship, obligatory acts and actions that are forbidden.
He never insisted on his beliefs for propagating the Baha’i faith. He never mentioned the faith unless we asked him questions. As time passed, our friendship grew, and I felt more and more shameful as a Muslim, born a Shi’ite: why do my fellow Muslims inflict such cruelty and injustice on Baha’is?
Some people say that in the Islamic republic of Iran Baha’is are secondary citizens, but what I witnessed was that the Islamic republic give them no living rights at all – their lives and all belongings are free to be taken by any Muslim citizen. A Baha’i has no right to his property nor to his destiny.
What I have seen with my own eyes are despicable acts of injustice perpetrated by one human being against another that I had never before seen in the twenty-first century.
In this era, humankind has attained the point of maturity of knowledge. The color of our skin and what we choose to believe is no reason to judge anyone to be above another. I just don’t understand why a Baha’i human being in Iran is not given the right to higher education, or even to a graveyard! Don’t they have rights just like other Iranians who share the same land?
In the intial stages of getting to know Peyman I had a lot of questions. I still have not found the answers to this day.
Peyman Kashfi was characteristically peaceful and kind. I personally apologize for injustices done to Baha’is and for all the cruelty – but I remember that he showed not even the slightest amount of hate toward the interrogators who had caused him to land in prison.
I told him that it is interesting to me that if the world is turned upside down, you would not have any reaction.
He smiled and said these famous words of Kurt Vonnegut Jr (7): “Yes! So it goes…”
Peyman, I am ashamed to call myself a human being while you are a prisoner of my ignorant fellow religionists.


2. A map of the Imamzadeh Yahya mausoleum & environs is here:http://wikimapia.org/11164198/Imamzadeh-Yahya
5. A somewhat detailed report of Peyman Kashfi’s arrest, charges and sentence can be found under the date “17 July” here: http://sensday.wordpress.com/old-news/2010-5-6-june-july/
6. The BIHE website is here: http://www.bihe.org/
7. Most famously at a number of points in the 1969 novel Slaughterhouse-Five.

Source:

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Journalist tells about emotional distress in and after jail

This time, Masoud Lavasani tells about his days of and after being in prison, his solitary confinement, and interrogations has impacted his life. He believes that journalists have to deal with a psychological crisis after jail. Lavasani used to write for Mehr news agencies, and a number of reformist and moderate dailies such as Hamshahri, Aftab Yazd, Etemad, Shargh, Hamshahri and Kargozaran.
How long had you been in prison?
Let me tell you something first. I had written parts of my time in prison. Now I want to distance away from these things and put myself as the object of these accounts. Still I feel a bit ashamed when I talked about those times.
Why ashamed?
Well, ashamed… because when for some time you talk with the others about things you had seen in prison. But after some times, when you’re only with yourself, you’ll notice that you’re nothing compared with many other things. When Ahmad Zeydabadi isn’t allowed to talk, it’s ridiculous, isn’t it? I don’t know, people feel ashamed.
How did you get detention?
The Revolutionary Guards detained me on September 16, 2009. The interrogations began the very first midnight in Detention Center 2 Alef of the Revolutionary Guards. I got detention for two reasons, writing and publishing reports in Persian websites, and filming and shooting pictures of street protests after the 2009 presidential elections. During a few interrogations, the managing editor of Fars News Agency, which I had been fired from in early 2009, was also present.
I was also charged with why I had been recommended by Iranian Journalists Association to a trip at the invitation of the European Council – which I never went. Interrogators insisted that Iranian Journalists Associations sent members to learn how to topple the government. Another story that surfaced there was I getting the sack from Mehr News Agency for publishing a news story on Leader’s [Ali Khamenei] meeting with university deans, which was later censored by the news agency.
How did prison impact your view on journalism?
It wasn’t just prison. The whole experience of 2009 [the post-election protests] and getting involved in the Green Movement was already enough to change my attitude toward my career and life. During my time in prison, I met the most esteemed journalists of Iran.
I just wonder whether you became more determined at or disappointed with being a journalist after jail.
Undoubtedly I became more determined. When I was notified about the court ruling that included a prison term and a ban from journalism profession, I was feeling worse about being banned. On the other hand, I was happy that I had been on the right track until then, making them censor my articles. This made me more determined.
Did you write letters or feature stories in prison?
Because I was banned from journalism work by court for 10 years, I couldn’t write anything with my byline. I wrote two book reviews and a movie review for Hamshahri under a pseudonym. But I wrote many letters, including open ones, when I was in prison. There I was also able to do some long interviews with prisoners belonging to different groups and factions. I am now making a book out of these interviews. This cost me lots of time and energy, because I couldn’t record their voices, so I had to write down questions and answers manually in bulk. It was very difficult to take all these out of prison with myself.
Could you please explain what changed after prison?
If I want to be specific, I have to admit that prison was an opportunity for me to have a critical look into my ten years of journalism career. Well, I had my mistakes just as anybody else. Also I found out that I can’t be both a journalist and activist at the same time.
You left the country after prison. How did your time in jail drive you to make this decision?
I didn’t leave the country immediately after prison or for my jail experience. It took me two years, after facing a series of happenings, including the detention of my wife in the winter of 2011 (almost a couple of months after I was freed). On February 1, 2012, I was charged with working with foreign-based media. Once again, I got detention in March 24, 2012. All these had made life hard for me and my wife. When they ordered my arrest, I was in hideout in different cities of Iran, and eventually left the country.
How do you see the current trend of journalism in Iran?
Actually, after the post-election protests, I noticed that many media managers had become more conservative. I had to write under a pseudonym for many newspapers. When I was freed from prison, it wasn’t easy for me to get a job. I lost many previous jobs. I still don’t know whether this was out of their fear and cautiousness or external pressure [by the government or state authorities].
So there was still much pressure on you after prison, wasn’t it?
Yes, I had some mental health problems after prison, which in my opinion must be taken into consideration about people freed from jail.
So how did you manage to free yourself from these pressure?
When I was locked up in Detention Center 2 Alef of the Revolutionary Guards, I happened to have five points at some points, leaving many side effects on me afterward. When I went to Turkey, the Turkish Human Rights Organization, where there are torture experts present. They started treating me. Now I can say for sure that I’m in a much better condition.

Khabarnegaran.info-Niki Azad :

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Masoud Lavasani, Crime: Journalism

 “On September 26, 2009, 10 Revolutionary Guards entered our home and took me to Cell Block 2A”, said Masoud Lavasani, who had worked for state-run news agencies. Prior to his arrest, and that of his wife and son in 2010, members of Iran’s hardline media were among those who warned Lavasani that his work could get him in to trouble.


Name: Masoud Lavasani
Born: 1979, Tehran, Iran
Career: Journalist and blogger; worked with Fars and Mehr news agencies.
Charges: Conspiracy and activities against national security, insulting the Supreme Leader and spreading lies throughblogs and emails.




On November 29, 2009 Judge Pir Abbasi sentenced Masoud Hoseini Lavasani to eight years in prison and banned him for life from practicing journalism. The sentence was subsequently reduced to six years in detention with a 10-year long ban on journalism.
Lavasani, who now lives in Turkey, told IranWire the following about his arrest and incarceration:
“On June 16, 2009, I received a call from a reactionary reporter threatening my arrest. I’d met him in the past at Foreign Ministry events, where he’d told me to be careful.
“Videos and pictures that I had produced were widely shown on Persian-language TV channels, including a well-known one about Majid Ansari [currently Vice President for Legal and Parliamentary Affairs], which was aired by BBC Persian.”
“Every day more of my colleagues were arrested,” he said. His report “Disaster in Revolution Square” followed events of the June 20, 2009 rally that resulted in the deaths of more than 60 people who had gathered to protest against the results of the presidential election. “Security forces fired on demonstrators,” Lavasani said.  
“I wrote the report under a pseudonym and sent it to the Rooz Online website and Radio Zamaneh,” a Persian-language media organization based in Amsterdam that broadcasts online and via satellite.
“I left Tehran for a while and took my wife and son with me. In mid-September when the wave of arrests subsided somewhat, we went back to Tehran but on September 26, 10 Revolutionary Guards entered our home and took me to Cell Block 2A”, which is exclusively run by the Guards. “Interrogators accused me of propaganda against the regime by publishing news and reports on Persian-language sites and for doing interviews with BBC Persian. Another charge against me was that I’d been invited to visit the European Parliament in Strasbourg and the EU Council in Belgium.
“When the special cell block for political prisoners was set up, I was moved there. In June 2010 I contracted shingles and had to be hospitalized in the prison’s hospital.
“After a month I was released on bail”, which cost $300,000. “And was able to prove how I’d been beaten by Revolutionary Guards while I was detained. A little later I was called to the prosecutor’s office at Evin and was arrested on charges of aiding my wife and son, who were arrested separately by the Intelligence Ministry. I spent about 12 hours in detention.
“I was arrested for a third time in front of my home in March 2012 and was sent to the Intelligence Ministry’s detention center. I was released two days later but I was frequently summoned to the Intelligence Ministry. On January 27, 2013, also known as ‘Black Sunday’ because it was the day newspaper offices in Tehran were raided, security agents went to our house in Karaj to arrest me but couldn’t do so because I was in Tehran.”
“For over a month I lived an underground life, moving from town to town until I eventually escaped the country. The media run by the Intelligence Ministry and the Revolutionary Guards claimed I’d gone to London.”

01 September 2014 IranWire

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Interview With The Times: Crippling bail is new weapon in regime’s war on journalists
At least 21 journalists have been arrested in Iran as the regimelaunches its latest crackdown on dissident activity in the pressbefore the presidential election in June.
Most of those arrested have since been released but unless they arevery brave or foolhardy, their careers in journalism are probablyover. Instead of filling its prisons with rebellious reporters, theTehran regime has hit on a more insidious method of muzzling thepress.

Those released were given bail of at least 1 billion rials (£55,000) —terms so punitive that many had to put up their homes as collateral. Aword out of place or any hint that they are working again and they canbe rearrested and their property seized. “Criminals accused of murder,theft and rape do not face the same ferocity from the judiciary insetting bail money,” said one journalist in Tehran.

Iran’s penal code suggests a bail rate equivalent to £5,500 for eachyear’s sentence a prisoner may face. But in recent months a newthreshold of £55,000 per year has been imposed on journalists, humanrights lawyers and other activists the regime judges a threat tonational security.

On January 27, Masoud Lavasani, a writer on social affairs, wascelebrating a friend’s wedding anniversary at a house in Tehran whenhis phone rang. “Don’t come home,” a neighbour warned. “The securityforces are at your house.” He has not been home since. Accused ofbeing part of a spy ring working with foreign media to undermine theGovernment, he spent four weeks on the run before fleeing to Turkey.

“This is an obsession for the regime. They want to strangle any hintof freedom of information. It is not just political reporters. Theatreand film critics have been arrested. Anyone with an audience issuspect,” Mr Lavasani said.

He was among those rounded up in 2009 after the government crackdownon opposition protests. Sentenced to eight years in jail, he wasreleased last year after suffering a stroke. Bail was set at acrippling £435,000. He and several relatives put up the deeds to theirhomes to secure his release.His wife, also a journalist, has been barred from working as well.Both have tried to eke out a living by writing under pseudonyms forthe handful of news outlets willing to hire them.

“They have strangled our livelihood,” Mr Lavasani said. “Every time Itried to write under a false name, the security forces would get windof it.”Unable to get his wife and young son out of Iran with him, Mr Lavasaniknows that returning to Tehran and certain jail is the only way he canspare his family from losing their home.

His wife receives daily calls from the authorities, while Iranianagents have got hold of his phone number in Turkey and called severaltimes threatening to track him down and kill him.

At 34, his career appears to be finished. Despite this, Mr Lavasaniretains hope that dissident journalism in Iran can survive.“No matter how badly they clamp down on us, new young reporters willkeep coming through,” he said. “The regime cannot keep everyonesilent.”
Hugh Tomlinson March 15 2013

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Story of an Iranian journalist؛ who has been followed by Iranian government to be prosecuted

Iranian news agencies specifically news websites from Iran’s security forces broadcasted a canard about Mr. Masoud Lavasani saying that he has been working with satellite network namely BBC Persian, known as anti-revolutionary.
The allegation was spread that he has left Iran illegally to join his coworkers in London which has subsequently made BBC happy to have Mr.Lavasani in the U.K. Security forces Etela’at had tried to arrest him several times but didn’t succeed, because he planned to exit the country illegally as he knew he was being traced. However, the truth about Mr.Lavasani’s case and most of other Iranian journalists is something different. Mr. Lavasani is currently in Turkey and has rejected the allegation of his illegal travel to London. He has claimed that arrests and suppressions of Iranian journalists for anonymous reasons is the government’s unfair justification for suppressing Iranian journalist. He has strongly rejected the idea of being related to foreign networks such as BBC and if there is any contact with any international news agencies he said is due to the work he does as a journalist which is perfectly legal and acceptable within the profession of journalism.


At the moment Mr. Lavasani lives under lot of pressure and faces dangerous situation. His mobile phone has been tracked by Iran’s security forces through which he has been disturbed by phone calls from the security police that has made him to change his residence few times. Mr.Lavasani has been a target for the government since the recent mass arrest of journalists in Iran. Etela’at distributed a name list of journalists who should be arrested for working against the Islamic system. Mr. Lavasani’s name was in that list. He is a writer, web logger and a journalist who was arrested in …88 due to Iran’s security force claim that his work was against the principles of Islamic state. Accordingly, judge Pirabbasi sentenced him to 8 and half year prison term and deprivation of working as a journalist.

The court of appeal reduced his sentence to 6 years and 10 years deprivation from being a journalist. He had professionally started his work as a journalist in 2001 where he worked as chief editor of Sobhe Sadegh weekly newspaper. Before that he worked as political analyst in Keyhan newspaper. Later on he worked in Jame-Jam newspaper under supervision of Mrs. Razieh Tojar in which he used to write minimalist stories. He received the prize for best novelist form Hozeh Honari institution in March 2008. He is one the few well-known journalists who started his career in a governmental newspaper like Keyhan continued his work against censorship.

He was fired from Fars news agency which is a governmental service among other 40 journalists in winter 2008. During his detention in Evin prison he encountered nervous breakdown and suffered from Migraine. He had serious nerve attack which caused him a temporary blindness in June 2009 for which he was taken to Farabi Hospital and kept there for one month and returned to Evin but in an isolation room. In July 2009 Tehran’s prosecutor affirmed his sick leave. He went back to prison after his leave. His sentence was gradually reduced to 2 years due to different occasional impunities which granted him some mercies.

He finished his sentence in August 2011 and was formally released from Evin prison. Human Rights agencies in Iran reported he was admitted in hospital to undergo a surgery on his neck which was the result of 2 years prison. In January 2012, 3 weeks after his wife detention Mrs. Fatemeh Kheradmand, he was asked to introduce himself to Shahid Moghadasi prosecution office in Evin prison where he was interrogated for 10 hours in front of his small child. In March 2012, media covered his disappearance, but the next day it was revealed that he had been found unconscious in one of Tehran’s street and been taken to hospital by some passengers. Few days after his father declared interviewing with some news agencies that his son is under tremendous pressure and has any kind of security in his life.

Mr. Lavasani has refuged in Turkey like hundreds of other Iranian journalists who have been oppressed and forced to leave Iran. The government of Iran’s level of tolerance towards journalists and media is incredibly low as it has gained the highest percentage of journalist detainees in the world. I wish the human rights defenders including states and organizations support journalists to be able to work freely. Tolerance and patience to views of different voices especially journalists will pave the way for development of a country which will provide people with best facilities and prevent despotism against people.


Universal Tolerance Organization- on 5th of March 2013